In 2000, as in the previous years 1998 and 1999, the following extremist movements were active in the Czech Republic:
The following text contains actual organisations, including registered ones, forming by their activities or personal links a basis (a hot-bed) or logistics and political support for Czech extremism and its criminal manifestations. Unfortunately, in some cases the respective state authority cannot intervene with a position and the activities of such organisations as it should under the rule of law applying to civic associations, political parties and political movements. Activists of extremist organisations are well oriented in the legal environment, under which they exists, and they endeavour to present themselves legally to a greater extent, i.e. they do not spread their hate directly but they use carefully chosen demagogy just ”on the edge of the law” (see the extracts in the text).6
To directly name actual, existing organisations is of a predominantly preventative nature (both towards the public and towards those organisations’ members), and therefore such publicising should not be perceived as scandalising those organisations, nor as an effort to make their members criminals. The main intent is to involve all organisations where there are well-founded suspicions of extremism in the sense in which this expression is defined and used in the Report. Merely mentioning a registered organisation in the report on extremism does not have any legal consequences as such.
Furthermore, this approach is in compliance with the Conclusions of the Committee for Eliminating Racial Discrimination (CERD), adopted together with the third and fourth Periodical Reports of the Czech Republic, because in terms of its nature such an approach can be considered a targeted preventative measure7. It takes into account the necessity to pay attention to current, as well as newly established organisations, in light of their respective unlawful activities subject to the fact that such activities could create a background even for very dangerous crimes committed by individuals. This approach should also help Czech citizens in their basic orientation of the extremist scene. It is one way how, using sufficient information, to built a barrier against an inflow of new members, as well as supporters of the extremist scene.
Even more than in a previous years, this scene used a platform of civic associations and continued its efforts aimed at joining the political scene.
With regard to this interest and efforts of individual organisations to gain essential influence in the process of making the right-wing scene more political, there were mutual negotiations of right-wing extremist organisations dealing with the ways and forms of their involvement in political life in the Czech Republic. More or less all significant organisations of the right-wing spectrum were involved in such negotiations.
During the course of the year, individual organisations prepared a range of joint actions, or they participated in events organised by another right-wing extremist organisation.
Practically all right-wing extremist organisations maintained foreign contacts with groups having the same orientation. For example, the Movement of National Unity had links with the Slovak organisation Slovak Solidarity and participated in international conferences held by the German Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschland (NDP). The Chairman of the Patriotic Front was, for example, in contact with the Swedish extreme right-wing party called Sverigedemokraterna (a party similar to the French Front National). Individual persons from the right extremist spectrum, however, had other personal links or written contacts available more or less all over the world.
At the beginning of 2001, their efforts to join the political scene were crowned by the VII Extraordinary Congress of the Patriotic Republican Party, which was held on 3 March 2001 in Prague. This Congress voted for a new name of the PRP, which was consequently changed to the National Social Block (NSB). By electing a new board the former board members, with the exception of two of them, were excluded from the management of the newly transformed party. The former secretary, Jan Kopal, who in the course of 2000 strongly supported right-wing extremist entities, became the Chairman of the NSB. Some members of the National Alliance were elected to the board; an activist of the National Resistance, Filip Vavra, became the head of the General Secretariat of the NSB.
An unregistered skinhead, neo-nazi organisation, this is the Czech branch of an international organisation which aims to secure and support the workings of the skinhead movement and the dissemination and propagation of neo-nazi ideas, national socialism, extreme nationalism, and activities directly aimed at promoting racial and nationalistic intolerance. The organisation proclaims historical Nazism in a modernised form and promotes racist, anti-Semitic, and xenophobic attitudes. It reached its top in 1997 and 1998 when it took over the active role of the Bohemia Hammer Skins (BHS) organisation. In 1998, although there were about 800 active supporters, a hard core was formed by 50 – 80 persons based on estimations of its members. During the year 1999 their activities were considerably restrained. The performance of the neo-Nazi organisation B & H DB showed a decreasing trend also in 2000. The persons previously active in the B & H DB gradually became members of other organisations active in the right-wing extremist scene, such as the National Alliance or the National Resistance. The signals recorded in 1999 to renew the activities of the B & H DB nationwide were not confirmed in 2000. Only in the region of Ceske Budejovice did a certain amount of activity of right-wing extremists presented under the name of the B & H DB survive. The activity of this regional group did not reach significant dimensions.
This unregistered organisation was established in the second half of 1999 after an unsuccessful attempt to register the civic association Junge Nationaldemokratern (JN). Activities, objectives and strategies of the National Resistance are based on the activities of the B & H DB. After its establishment the NR more and more often began to organise demonstrations, manifestations and protest marches, and in this field they actively co-operated with other right-wing entities, such as registered organisations – the Patriotic Front and the National Alliance. Aggressive individuals rank among the activists of this organisation. They seek conflicts, attack people in the streets, and master various kinds of fighting styles.8 Some activists take part in anarchist demonstrations and monitor ”antifascists”. A former vice-chairman of the Republican Youth, a candidate of the Republican Party to the Chamber of Deputies, sentenced to prohibition from publication for his racist articles in the Republika Weekly, has become an activist of the NR.
In the past NR activists were connected, for example, with attacks on the Prague Gay-Club, a Prague synagogue or the Landronka squat, and a New Year’s Eve fight with Roma in Prague – Karlin, etc.9 At the beginning of 2000, the activities of the National Resistance were strongly marked by the fact that several members of this organisation were prosecuted for supporting and propagating movements aimed at suppressing citizens’ rights and freedoms under Section 260 of the Criminal Code No. 140/1961, Coll., as amended. In 2000, activists of the NR also participated in, for example, three physical attacks in Prague 4 (16 January, 15 April, 28 October)10
At the end of the first half of 2000 the National Resistance initiated a series of meetings with other right-wing extremist organisations, particularly with the National Alliance, in dealing with the issue on how to join the political scene. These negotiations resulted in the cooperation of the National Resistance and the National Alliance with the Patriotic Republican Party. Both above-mentioned organisations decided to ”rule out” the PRP and reach the political scene.
In 2000, no activities of Combat 18, a Czech branch of the British terrorist organisation, were detected in the Czech Republic. However, individual activists use this mark for their promotion:
”Our objective is to show that there is a real force capable of striking whenever and wherever; a force everybody must take account of. Enemies and traitors must be afraid of us, the public must know that nobody is allowed to make light of our movement. We are an army of our race and we all are its warriors, and thus we must meet our commitment to this country and to our blood!
We are striving for extreme means - violence and terror, however, it is nowadays the only weapon we have. Enemies are afraid of us and they are scared by rights – SKINHEADS were created to fight and we are aware of the fact that there is now a real war. Many brave people were killed, many were injured, hundreds are being imprisoned all over the world since they have found courage and determination to raise a weapon. In spite of their tragic destinies and sacrifices thousands of others are taking the field again and again. WE will win! It will be neither tomorrow nor in the near future, but we will win! This country clamours for revenge for those who offended it! There are many of our enemies and that is why we must FIGHT!!! You can learn it here!”12
An unregistered organisation of a multinational nature. Since 1997 its activities have dampened; in 1998 it displayed only a marginal presence in some regions of the Czech Republic.
Similarly, as in 1999, almost no signs of organised activities of the BHS were recorded in 2000.
An unregistered organisation that was set up at the beginning of 1996 in Brno. It is an organisation showing fascist features. This fascist organisation openly models itself after the former Franco and Mussolini regimes. Activities of this organisation in 2000 were neither significant nor numerous.
An unregistered organisation. The preparatory committee of this civic association has its seat in Tisnov na Morave.
This organisation closely cooperates with the Patriotic Front.
Since 17 June 1993, the PF has been registered with the Ministry of the Interior as a civic association under Act 83/1990 Coll. on Associations of Citizens.
Chairmen: The Patriotic Front is built up in a hierarchical structure. Its first Chairman was Jiri Fiedler from Brno who, in 1999, was replaced by Ing. Miroslav Knapovsky, (the original Chairman of the local Patriotic Front organisation in Ostrava). He was followed by Jan Skacel, elected to the head of the PF at the Republic Congress held in Pardubice on 17 April 2000.
Registered seat: Prague
Local organisations (the most important ones only): Prague, Ostrava, Kladno, Brno, Chrudim, Ceske Budejovice, Pardubice.
An estimation of the total number of registered members: 50 (Each PF member pays annual membership contributions: employed members – CZK 100, unemployed members CZK 50). The majority of members and supporters are young, nationalistically oriented people who ranked or have ranked among skinheads. However, this organisation also hosts people who have never had anything in common with skinheads.
Activities:
The PF came into existence within the skinhead movement, and from which it has, over the course of time, partially separated and developed its own ideological profile.
In 1999, the Ministry of the Interior notified the Patriotic Front that they had been performing activities contradicting Section 4 of Act 83/1990, Coll. on Associations of Citizens, and in compliance with this Act they were asked to cease such activities. Reprehended shortcomings were immediately removed.
The PF is trying to cast doubts upon the civic principle, which is a base of the Czech democratic system, and promotes a principle according to which citizens are given their rights and freedoms based upon their ethnic or national origin. The PF applies this ideological conception publicly by refusing to offer advantages to minorities, by fighting against possible positive discrimination through the requirement of giving everybody the same opportunity. This kind of demagogy is generally used by right-wing extremists all over the world, which means that their legal recourse is quite complicated.
In addition to regular club activities, the Patriotic Front strives to operate publicly by organising various demonstrations, concerts and similar rallies, by distributing leaflets and publishing a range of publications which are either distributed in an environment friendly to their ideas, or through Internet web sites.
In the Czech Republic PF members have often participated in public events together with the skinhead organisation Blood&Honor D.B. (1998) or with the National Alliance and the unregistered organisation National Resistance (1999, 2000).
Published periodicals: Obrana naroda (the Nation’s Defence) (1996 – present), Hlas narodni mladeze (the Voice of the National Youth) (1997 – the end of April 1999). Furthermore, the Patriotic Front has its Internet newsletter called Zpravodaj Vlastenecke fronty (Newsletter of the Patriotic Front) (1996 –present).
The PF maintains numerous contacts with foreign ultra-right-wing organisations and entities and has close links to domestic right-wing extremists ranking among skinhead or neo-Nazi movements. Among foreign contacts maintained by the Patriotic Front, we can name the International Third Position (ITP), the Polish organisations, Polska Wspólnota Narodowa and the Comprehensive Party of Slavs, and Friendly Nations. The former contacts of the Patriotic Front, including the French J. M. Le Pen’s Front National (FN), are currently being restrained. Contrary to a neo-Nazi group, the PF is more anti-German and moreover, within its organisation, there is an ideological stream friendly to activities of such groups as the Slav Committee of the Czech Republic.
In 2000, the PF significantly strived to penetrate the Czech political scene. After internal discussions, changes in the management of the organisation were made at the April Congress and Jan Skacel replaced the former chairman. He wanted to found a new political party as soon as possible under the name the National Unity which would profess the heritage of the party performing under the same name in the Czech Republic in the 30s of the last century under the leadership of K. Kramar. The aim was also to preserve a former civic association of this kind. The issues related to the foundation of a new political party also became a fundamental topic of discussion at the PF Congress. As a further step, a preparatory committee of the National Unity was set up and extensive discussions on its programme were held. The PF also severed its cooperation with the National Alliance and devoted itself especially to the solution of its own internal disputes. Such disputes concerned mainly the issues of their future political tactics. After internal arguments, which started in the spring 2000, a part of the membership base separated in July 2000 under the leadership of M. Knapovsky from the PF and established a civic association – the Country. cz , which was registered with the Ministry of the Interior in Autumn 2000. As a consequence, the Patriotic Front lost its leading position on the right-wing scene. At the end of 2000, PF members gathered approximately 850 signatures of persons who supported the establishment and registration of a political party under the name the National Unity. Therefore an application for registration was postponed until the first quarter of 2001.
By mid-year 2000, the PF had introduced its new monthly journal – Narodni politika (the National Policy), whose publishing was overtaken by the Country.cz after its foundation.
Soon after its establishment, the members of the association Country.cz attempted to found their own political party, which was supposed to perform under the name the National Party. Even a part of the membership base of the formerly active civic association National Castist Front (NCF), whose activities have been significantly restrained within the last two years, should have participated in its foundation. The newly established National Party was to compete in the future with other registered right-wing extremist associations, such as the National Alliance or the Patriotic Republican Party. On 3 October 2000 the National Party’s preparatory committee applied for registration and also submitted its Statutes and Petition Lists containing signatures of citizens who requested the foundation of this party. The National Party presented itself on the web sites of the Country. cz as follows (the presentation is not legally contestable): ”Anxious about incapability and unwillingness of the current political representation of the Czech Republic to solve urgent internal problems of our country and simultaneously as an expression of disagreement with the majority of foreign political activities of the Czech Government, we have decided to establish and publicly present the National Party. A new political entity which will clearly, simply, strongly and firmly defend Czech national identity and national interests”.13
The application for registration of the National Party was rejected by the Ministry of the Interior since it did not meet all legal requirements for registration. On 30 November 2000 there was en extraordinary meeting of the National Party’s supporters with the preparatory committee, where the chairman of this committee resigned and was replaced by one of the committee members.14 As a consequence of a dispute among the preparatory committee members, two preparatory committees were established. They developed activities aiming at submitting a new application for registration of the National Front.15
It was registered with the Ministry of the Interior from 26 October 1998 until 15 April 2001.
With regards to its dissolution the NA issued a press declaration in Jihlava (7 April 2000) in which they stated: ”The NA ignores its dissolution and until it receives the court’s decision, such dissolution does not have any legal effect. We will continue the activities we have conducted so far. Unlawful persecution convinces us that what we are doing is right! And therefore we will never give up, and under no circumstances will we slacken out efforts since: ”What does not kill us, may only strengthen us!”
Journals: ”VLAJKA” (FLAG) – a journal of contemporary patriotism (according to a statement of the NA dated 23 November 1999, by which they reacted to a letter of the Ministry of the Interior; this journal was stopped in compliance with the decisions taken by the national management of the NA.16
”VÝZVA” (CALL) - ”internal paper of contemporary patriots”. It has been published by the local organisation in Jihlava since May 2000 as an irregularly published journal for members and supporters of the NA. Since April 2001 this journal has been published under the name of the Narodne socialni VYZVA (the National Social Call) –internal paper of contemporary patriots, and members and supporters of the National Social Block. Distribution is facilitated by the local organisation in Svratouch instead of at the Jihlava local organisation of the former NA.17
VYZVA follows up VLAJKA, however it should be externally ”less striking and radical”.
Still, published texts did not avoid , for example, anti-Semitic allusions such as a short-story called ”Isaac” depicting a Jew – usurer (Vyzva No. 2) or an article ”Where Are the Roots of Lawlessness” (”…A citizen should not forget that communism is a Jewish invention”), etc.
In 2000, the National Alliance continued to improve organising its activities and presenting its attitudes. The NA also created a quality communication system via the Internet which is ”concealed” due to e-mail usage. The NA has raised its funds especially by organising concerts of right-wing extremist groups (the following right-wing extremist groups are the most active within the current right-wing extremist scene: AGRESE (i.e. AGRESSIVITY) REICHENBERG, ORTEL (i.e. CONDEMNATION), BATALLION (I.E. REGIMENT), BEOWULF, BULDOK (BULLDOG), VLAJKS (I.E. FLAG), HLAS KRVE (i.e. VOICE OF BLOOD), TORNADO, RAGNAROK, KARPATŠTÍ VLCI (I.E. CARPATHIAN WOLVES), KELTSKÝ ŠTÍT (i.e. CELTIC SHIELD), STRIKEFORCE, ATTACK, AND REVOLVERS). During such concerts, meetings of the principal representatives of the NA were held. Other sources of funds for the NA were contributions from foreign donators. All financial issues were under the control of the top management of the NA. The National Alliance markedly increased at the beginning of the year its public performance and made its activities aimed at media presentations more intensive. The increase in such activities was especially apparent when the custody prosecution of NA National Leader, V. Skoupy, started. The NA itself organised or participated in organising various manifestations and protest marches. NA representatives also offered interviews or took part in various rallies: e.g. a demonstration in Mlada Boleslav (18 March 2000), organised by a local unregistered organisation - the Defence of the Nation; a demonstration of the national activists at Wenceslav Square (8 April 2000), in Jihlava (22 April 2000): in Karlovy Vary under the support of the PRP and PF as a response to an action of homosexuals (13 May 2000): a commemoration protest manifestation in Most organised by the PF: a demonstration in Ostrava (19 August 2000): a demonstration of ”national forces” against the IMF/WB Meeting in Prague (23 September 2000): protest marches of ”Czech patriots” in Prague, Pribram, and Ostrava (28 October 2000): and demonstrations concerning meeting prior to elections for municipal positions in Jablonec upon Nisa (4 November 2000).
On 17 November 2000 the National Alliance held a protest march in Chrudim: ” 11 years after a velvet swindle we are calling everybody who has remained proud and non-humiliated….”
The Local organisation of the NA in Prague organised a pious assembly to honour the memory of President Dr. Emil Hacha (24 June 2000). The increase in activities and the interest of the NA management to establish a new political party – the National Social Alliance – became motivating elements for members of other right-wing extremist organisations to join the NA.19 All these activities started in April 2000, in a climate marked by the dissolution of the NA, ordered by the resigning Minister of the Interior, Mr. V. Grulich, and by an appellate procedure against this decision which followed. In the course of 2000 there were a number of meetings between NA representatives and other right-wing extremist organisations on how to join the political scene and on methods of their future activities. At the same time, in the first half of the year, the NA solved an internal crisis concerning the personal ambitions of some of its leading representatives. Some ambitious NA members tried to make use of the custody put on the national head by taking up important positions in the organisation, but they met with resistance from the NA founding members.
In the second half of the year monitored, while preparing autumn elections to regional parliaments, the NA management considerably concentrated on cooperation with the Patriotic Republican Party (PRP). Such cooperation resulted in the inclusion of practically all significant NA members in the candidate list of the PRP in Central Bohemia, the Pilsen region and the Karlovy Vary region.20 NA representatives also took part in the August Congress of the PRP. Pre-election co-operation between the NA and the PRP was considered as a kind of a preparatory ”test” for the Parliament elections to be held in 2002.
The NA simultaneously preserved excellent links to the environment of skinhead and neo-Nazi organisations, namely the National Resistance and the Defence of the Nation, which were established on the basis of the neo-Nazi organisation, Blood&Honour Division Bohemia (B&H DB).
Prior to the autumn elections in the regions, the Big Board of the NA decided that NA members would collectively join the PRP. A significant part of NR members had by that time completed their applications to enter the PRP. There were also negotiations between the NA and the NR concerning further procedure after joining the PRP. Such negotiations resulted in the intention to outvote the current PRP members during the elections for a new chairman at the PRP Congress to be held at the beginning of 2001 and push through a well-meaning person towards the new members from the NA and the NR. The NA national head refused to become a candidate, expressing his worries about the negative presentation of his personality. The described scenario was, as mentioned above, implemented on the VII Extraordinary PRP Congress held on 3 March 2001.
The Extraordinary PRP Congress was preceded by a decision taken by the National Alliance from 18 February 2001 on its voluntary dissolution.
Extracts from the text of the internal journal VYZVA
Vyzva No. 1 (May 2000)
Michal Podolák: ”Holocaust”
”Holocaust, holocaust and once more holocaust. Using this magic formula the Zionist lobby tries today and everyday to make all European nations, inclusive of the Czechs, feel guilty…
No, my intent is not to cast doubts upon ”their” holocaust in any way, because I do not think it is necessary… I want only to outline this topic and to kindly ask the readers to think over for whom and to what purpose does such ”holopropaganda” serve, who maximally profits from it and who mostly pays for it (not only in terms of money!)….”
Vyzva No. 2 (June 2000)
Michal Podolák: ”Up to the Final Victory”
In our matter it is important the interests of a collective (an organisation) to be superior to the interests of an individual, only by this way can we survive critical periods and reach victory.
I am not afraid of saying – no organisation and no political entity in this state is currently such a frequent target of political persecutions from the side of those who are powerful as the National Alliance. Our leader, V. Skoupy, is absolutely without any reason in custody, there are consistent complaints against our members from the highest places, our demonstrations and protest marches are prohibited under the most stupid pretexts, our application for the registration of a political party, which is not a succession organisation of the NA, was rejected, because, according to Minister Gross, this party is, in advance, suspicious of ”continuing the views of and personal links to the NA”.
Oppression and terror have attended our existence in this rotten political system from the moment we got stronger and the servants of the regime began to become scared, which was a legitimate feeling, of course, that our victory and thus the end of their era is coming. These criminals and traitors of the nation should already be crying over their destiny now instead of the cramped persecutions of their opponents. We will not show any regret; everybody will be rewarded for his/her acts deservedly!”
Registered with the Ministry of the Interior on 1 October 1996.
Seat: originally Ostrava, now Most – Vtelno
Party’s Secretariat was in Brno; the party was also active in Prague, Ceske Budejovice, Klenci pod Cerchovem, Most, Usti upon the Elbe, Jablonec upon Nisa, Liberec, Hradek u Rokycan. Tanvald, Litovel, Nachod, Ostrava or Frydek –Mistek.
The PRP declared itself in 1996 as ”a right-wing political party respecting traditions and principles of republicanism and patriotism. It especially follows up the Republican Party of Farmers and Small Farmers and its members are citizens of all professions and social groups. The PRP strives for the Czech Republic to be a democratic, human, strong and prospering state in terms of economy, with a parliamentary, plural political system to be established as a republic. In its political line it endeavours to persuade the system of ”direct democracy” where the maximum executive power will be transferred to municipalities and regional self-governments. Each citizen will have the right to make decisions on public matters through his/her elected representative to legislative bodies, self-government bodies and through referendums. This party has nothing in common with the party of Dr. Miroslav Sladek, i.e. with the Association for the Republic– Czechoslovak Republican Party”. 21
The principal objectives of the Patriotic Republican Party were contained in ”The Complete Political Programme of the Patriotic Republican Party”, which declared the following points:
The Programme objectives of the PRP were formulated so generally that they did not separate this party from the range of other political parties or their programmes in such a way as to be able, on the basis of their Complete Political Programme, to commence the proceedings under Sections 14 and 15 of the Act on Political Parties.22 The PRP started, during the course of time, its rapprochement with right-wing extremists and was taking over even their xenophobic rhetoric. An example may be the journal called VLASTENEC (THE PATRIOT) published by the PRP in Ostrava. For example in the article ”We Do Not Thank You – Get Out of Here” we can read as follows: ”… during his engagement in the Ministry of the Interior he brought over various gangs, especially from the East, assassins from Ukraine, drug dealers from Albania and Kosovo . Should we be thankful for being scared to go out after dark, for being robbed by Gipsy gangs during the day and when I go and complain I am marked by a Gipsy speaker, [Mr.] Uhl, as a racist…”23 Other commentaries dealt with the Patriotic Front, its objectives and criticism of the attitude of the Ministry of Interior towards this organisation,24 and the case of Maticni wall, which was commented upon like this ”…A minority of white, honest people will leave Maticni Street and will be looking for a new home somewhere else and hope that they will not have to escape again as it has become true for Serbian refugees from Bosnia and Kosovo …”25
Changes to the Party management and commissions were made at the VII Extraordinary Congress of the PRP held on 5 August 2000. Its seat and the Statutes were changed and these changes were registered with the Ministry of the Interior on 15 September 2000 as well. Such changes marked the further internal development in the PRP.
Generally, we can say that since the above-mentioned Congress, the PRP has actively participated in events organised by right-wing extremist entities where the Secretary of the PRP, Jan Skopal, made his speeches side by side with representatives of the NA, PF, NR or the National Revival (e.g. 19 August 2000 – Ostrava, 23 September 2000 – Prague, 4 November 2000 _Jablonec upon Nisa).
With regards to the legal reasons which may lead, pursuant to Section 13(6) of Act No. 424/1991 Coll., to the abolishment of a party or movement through the decision of the Supreme Court of the Czech Republic, the activities of this party are being currently documented in terms of gathering facts that might be essential for the application of the above-mentioned rule of law. The Ministry of the Interior is supposed to draw up a document for the meeting of the Government on the basis of which the motion can be filed with the relevant court.
As we have mentioned above, the VII Extraordinary Congress which was held on 3 March 2001, approved the modifications to the Statutes which, apart from other things, changed the name of the Party to the National Social Block with the abbreviated version NSB. The registration of the modified Statutes was rejected by the Ministry of the Interior on 22 May 200126. The NBS uses web sites of the National Alliance for its promotion stressing that until their own web sites are available, they will publish topical news and information on the events of the NSB as well as of other ”national” associations on these Internet sites.
The NSB published on these sites: ”The Petition for the Right to Publish Historical Documents and for Access to Information”, which followed after a publication of Adolf Hiltler’s ”Mein Kampf”.27
Press: internal Narodnì socialní Výzva (the National Social Call). The journal of contemporary patriots, members and supporters of the NSB28
Action. Magazín národniho obrození (the Magazine of the National Revival)
Activities
On 1 May 2001 there was a manifestation of about 200 – 300 persons at Namesti Miru (Peace Square) in Prague where the national Social Block promoted its intentions.
A registered organisation
The Republican Youth was established in 1997. The Constituent Congress of the Republican Youth was held on 24 October in Prague.
The basic unit of the RY is a local organisation. The connecting link between local organisations and the Central Council of the RY is a regional leader.
This organisation functions as an organisation of young people for the Czechoslovak Republican Party. Its members are also skinheads and moreover, cooperation with the NA or PF was recorded.
This organisation qualifies itself against the situation: ”when individual nations are loosing their identity and are gradually giving over their political as well as economic powers to multinational institutions”. It professes to Euronat Jeunesse (The European National Youth)29. This organisation presents a programme, they would like to implement, on its web sites. They declare some of their attitudes, e.g.: ”We refuse any advantages made to various ethnic groups, mainly Gypsies, in their enrolment to secondary schools and universities (Education, point VI) or ”Finally, to resolve the issue of the ethnic groups being unable to adapt, e.g. Gypsies – inter alia by renewal of certificates of native domicile, by eliminating all unjustified advantages, etc. Nobody may and nobody will be a parasite of our society (Security, point III) and moreover they require ”the state to cease the inflow of refugees from third countries” and ”[the state] to forbid anarchist and other groups which by their activities negatively influence the healthy development of youth” 30
The programme of the Republican Youth in question was assessed by the Ministry of the Interior as discriminating and, with regard to the part called ”Policy and Army”, as inconsistent with Section 1(3) (a) of Act No. 83/1990 Coll., which excludes from the regime of this Act, associating members of these forces in political parties and political movements. Therefore the Ministry applied against this association a call under Section 12 (3) of Act No. 83/1990 Coll. on 17 July 2001.
The Ministry of the Interior registered a political movement named the Independent Republican Youth on 12 July 2000. This movement participated in a coalition under the name the Republicans of Miroslav Sladek together with the Association for the Republic – Czechoslovak Republican Party and the Association of Pensioners of the Czech Republic (AFR –CRP) prior to autumn elections in regions. The elections resulted unsuccessfully for this coalition. In connection with a petition for bankruptcy filed with the City Court in Prague for the property of AFR –CRP (bankruptcy proceedings were declared on 21 February 2001), the movement focused on ”taking over the membership base”. The Congress held on 9 December 2000 in Prague adopted changes in the Statutes under which the movement has transformed into a political party named the Republicans of Miroslav Sladek. The Ministry of the Interior registered this change on 25 January 2001. The Republicans of Miroslav Sladek ideologically follow up the AFR –CRP. They promote EURONAT on their web sites. 31
The Republika journal has remained the paper of this party.
”The National Programme of Republicans” fully corresponds in all its items to the enunciation used by the former AFR –CRP. Its objective is to seize power and make a range of changes, however, it does not openly declare it.
Extracts from ” The National Programme of the Republicans”32
6. We will make supervision over the granting of Czech citizenship stricter and immediately stop migration
”The recent years have taught us that, by an increasing number of fugitives in our country, crime and unemployment have automatically spread. Society has not been, and will not be, enriched by them coming here. Instead we see the opposite trend – multi-ethnic goulash…. Who can believe that our country will stay what it used to be since it has become a paradise for various groups, and as a consequence our children are brought up to the sound of primitive African or Gypsy songs?”
21. Security – the priority of the Republicans
”7. Solving the issue of ethnic groups being unable to adapt - we will enforce the Act on Certificates of Permanent Residence( a kind of former Native Domicile)”
23. The laws have to apply to all equally – also to minorities
” It is wrong to judge criticism of Gypsy crime as racism. The Gypsies themselves make use of this situation, and they more or less with impunity murder, rape and rob citizens of high integrity. We have no objections to their skin colour or non-Czech origin. However, if they want to live with us in one country, they will have to conform to the majority. We suggest verifying the justification of social allowances and disabled pensions paid to Gypsies. It is generally known that a large majority of them abuse such allowances. Thus they take away from those who really need them but are not authorised to be given such allowances since they are not Gypsies. Unemployment support should be given only to such a Gypsy who has worked in his/her life. We will not tolerate any priorities in the allocation of flats to Gypsies who make a mess of them and destroy them systematically.
The RMS will not tolerate the existence of so-called Gypsy political parties, which are solely parties of a single ethnic group. This is, in our opinion the real racism which we want to fight. The same applies to the attempts to apply so-called positive racism – benefiting Gypsies (or anybody else) with their enrolment in secondary schools and universities or when applying for a job. ”
With regards to the legal reasons which may lead, pursuant Section 13(6) of Act No. 424/1991 Coll., to the abolishment of a party or a movement through the decision of the Supreme Court of the Czech Republic, the activities of this party are being currently documented in terms of gathering facts that might be essential for the application of the above mentioned rule of law. The Ministry of the Interior is supposed to draw up a document to be submitted to the Government on the basis of which the motion can be filed with the relevant court.
In 2000, the activities of anarchist and autonomous groups concentrated almost exclusively only on the preparation of protest actions against the IMF/WB meeting in Prague or against globalisation generally. Only at the end of 2000 did individual organisations begin to solve their internal matters..
The largest and the most important anarchist organisations operating in the Czech Republic are: The Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation (formerly the Czech Anarchist Federation), the Organisation of revolutionary Anarchist Solidarity (ORAS) and the Federation of Social Anarchists (FSA).33 The common programme thesis of these three organisations is to refuse a state or capitalistic organisation of economy. Unlike CSAF, the ORAS and FSA accent a purely political activity.
An unregistered organisation. In 1997, after the Slovak branch joined the organisation, the IV Congress of CSA (established in 1995) decided to change the name of the organisation to the CSAF.
”The Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation (CSAF) is an anti-authoritarian organisation of liberal people who do not intend to put up with a current social system which is based mainly on two pillars of oppression and exploitation – the state and capitalism. However, we are not only negativists who just mange to criticise visible or hidden shortcomings. We are striving to actively propagate our alternative vision of arranging free and self-governing society”.34
In its programme rhetoric, the CSAF strictly avoids using wordings like class struggle. While criticising the system they concentrate on connections between the power (coercion) and capital. Its fundamental thesis, which is frequently used, is that the state came into existence to protect private property and that capitalism needs to operate in efficient conditions controlling the society. The capitalist organisation of economy itself is under criticism, especially in the areas which are, thanks to their manifestations, typical for global capitalism. Such manifestations are consumption and related over-production, exploitation of sources of raw materials, energy, destruction of ecosystems, growing power of multinational corporations as well as the impossibility to control such corporations, large investors, and financial speculators. The complex of issues related to their view of societal reconstruction is perceived by the CSAF in such a way that unprivileged classes have to fight themselves to be able to keep freedom and social justice. The programme of this organisation is aimed at young people.
The CSAF functions on the principle of volunteers. The decision-making processes, as well as all activities, start at the bottom, at the membership base. There is no central body.
Further direction of the CSAF, rotation of functions or respective organisation-wide changes are always discussed at the Congresses of the membership base, usually held twice a year. The Czech and Slovak sections of the CSAF are autonomous in making decisions. The CSAF is active mainly in Prague, Prerov, Chrudim, Vimperk, and Bratislava.
The membership base of the CSAF comprised about 20 - 30 persons at the end of 2000.
Press
The anarchist revue, Existence, is published quarterly. The offer presented on the CSAF web sites contains A-kontra, Konfrontace (Confrontation), Solidarita (Solidarity), publications of Slovak organisations Zdola (From the Bottom) and Priama akcia (Direct Action) or cloth badges ABC and labels ”Food not Bombs”. 35
Furthermore, the CSAF issues posters, leaflets and publications predominantly focused on anarchist theory and practice. They also established a distribution network of the above materials.
Among their activities, the CSAF organises the following events:
Outside the anarchist movement they try to cooperate with organisations which aim at some single problems of the current period, and they do not enforce the objective to preserve ”socially unjust society” in their programmes.
As a majority of other anarchist and autonomous groups and organisations, the CSAF also joined the Initiative Against Economic Globalisation – Prague 2000 (INPEG). As a consequence, the Federation set aside internal problems and dealt with them as late as November 2000 when the XI Congress of the CSAF was held. This Congress concentrated particularly on the activities and tasks of the organisation in 2001, such as organising the celebration 1st May 2001 or coordinating activities with an international initiative to support imprisoned or apprehended anarchists, the so-called Anarchist Black Cross (ABC). Moreover, the CSAF decided to join a newly launched international campaign of ultra-left activists aiming to abolish the EU. The discussion about strategies and forms of this campaign in the Czech Republic was postponed to the first half of 2001, when the XII Congress of the CSAF is to be held. To this end the CSAF planned to extend its international contacts to similarly oriented groups. The priority of the CSAF remains the accession to the Internationale of Anarchist Federations (IAF). 36
Extracts from the Manifesto of the Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation
Against the state and capitalism
”...The state and the capitalistic system are established on the principles of dominance, authority and prevalence of natural, as well as human, sources. Historically, a state was established to defend private property and production means – i.e. it was established on social theft and exploitation…. Governments and political parties are directly or indirectly under the influence of capital, the interests of which they protect… Interests of large contemporary amounts of capital are enforced by international commercial, financial, and military institutions, treaties and associations such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB), North-Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the European Union (EU), North-Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), etc. that directly impact the decisions made by the governments of the national states. The selfish interests of multinational corporations and foreign investors determine the situation in many countries, especially in those of the Third World, which is still a source of cheap raw materials and labour forces. The situation in some regions looks like a planned genocide realised through the support of local wars, dictatorships or prohibition of production of their own medications for curing diseases killing thousands and thousands of people. Global capitalism has become dangerous for it unlimited power and because it is uncontrollable… People are intentionally brought up on ”consumer” ethics, which should make them blind and evoke a semblance of being free. Consequently, this process represents a cultural degradation of society and man, and displays frequent pathological manifestations. We are opposed to any form of social oppression; not only to open capitalism, but also to proletarian dictatorship since it is a mere dictatorship of a party elite or one leader. The environment of an authoritative social or economic system produces a range of negative phenomena in society, such as xenophobia, racism, fascism, nationalism, sexism, homophobia, etc. Some of these manifestations are exacerbated by aggressive authoritative ideologies and churches.
For Free Society
The Journey to Freedom and Social Justice
”...Anarchists represent those who are included in the black list of repressive power as an item number one. Not because they would be dangerous for society, but because they represent the greatest dangers for the state power and the interests of capital. To resign for the tactical reasons for our name – anarchists – is unacceptable to us since doing so we would dishonour the memory of our predecessors. .. Establishment of free, state-free socialist society should follow up the existing self-governing associations in production and social spheres. …While changing the current authoritative society, we might not be able to avoid defending ourselves against violence from the side of repressive forces either belonging to the state or multinational companies… Nowadays, and in the near future of several years, we do not consider the actual social convulsion towards the free arrangement of society as realistic thanks to low political maturity of unprivileged classes and insufficient experiences of Czech and Slovak workers with day-to-day social struggle ”.
The CSAF at the same time made available on its web sites quotations from the works of ”anarchist classicists”. For example, in the quotations taken from the works of Michail A. Bakunin ”People and Freedom”, we can read that : ” we are coming to the conclusion that it is absolutely necessary to destroy states or, if you wish, to radically reorganised them so that they cease their existence as a centralised, from-the-top-organised, power and shall be reorganised either with the help of violence or any other principle in such a way that all parties shall get absolute freedom”.
operates within the organisation as an initiative assisting, mainly financially, anarchists and other radical left-wing non-authoritative activists who are persecuted by ”the state power, taking the form of the police and courts”. Sending protest e-mails, letters and faxes and organising protest demonstrations in front of embassies, etc. rank among other activities of the ABC. In the case of Czech anarchists, the Office of the President, the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of the Interior are under pressure.
The Federation of Social Anarchists (FSA) – a membership section of the International Workers’ Association (MAP-IWA-AIT)
This unregistered organisation was established in 1997 when the politically oriented anarchists from the CSAF split off. It is profiled as a radical organisation ideologically oriented towards anarcho-syndicalism.
For the FSA, the state is a tool of the governing class that serves as a defence of its interests. In the FSA’s opinion, the economic struggle is only a part of the struggle for a new historical chance enabling mankind to develop a class-free society based on cooperation, solidarity, and mutual help. The FSA operates with an idea of gradual establishment of small propagandistic groups at worksites or the places of residence which will join together in a common federal organisation. Gradual extension of agitating cells to stronger local organisations is to be accompanied with a move of a centre of activities towards the support and organisation of social struggle. The precondition of any success is for the FSA to sell its project of a self-governing and class-free society to an essential part of the society.
Press
FSA newspaper Svobodná práce (Free Work) (published monthly)
In addition, the FSA makes intensive efforts in publishing and also establishing anarchist trade unions called, ROVNOST (EQUALITY), that are a part of the International Workers’ Association.
In 2000, the FSA took part in the declaration of the organisers of anarchist 1st May 2000 in Prague together with Solidarity – the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists, the Antifascist Action, and the Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation.
The only greater action of the FSA in 2000, besides protest actions against the IMF/WB Meeting, was a leaflet campaign arranged at the end of the year. It was aimed at criticising the current political and economic situation in the Czech Republic and the political system as such. Within this campaign the FSA called for the establishment of an anarchist trade union association which should replace the current ”pro-system oriented” trade unions. At the end of the year the FSA dealt with planning the FSA Congress, which should be held at the beginning of 2001.
Extracts from the Texts of the FSA
Who Are We And What Do We Want? – The Basic Programme Points of the FSA
The society at the threshold of a new millennium
Shall we remain people or shall we become human resources?
”…The global economy showed that even the minor shock of the new world order beckons a wave of crisis all over the world, which again pushes a part of workers nearer to the poverty line. ”The democratic regime” ceased its orientation to ”human” values a long time ago and people are considered just disturbing insects requiring various social allowances. People are only ”human resources”, figures to be written off…” What will happen after a few years? Our country will become a poor province in the European Union where one third of people will live a miserable existence taking unemployment support and receiving poor salaries from their part-time jobs and seasonal employment.”
Work and Society
…So anarchists reject any state establishment and they want to replace it with a state-free, i.e. class-free, society which is the only really free society”.
The Social revolution and Foundation of a Free Society
”…Any governing class will not give up its powers and privileges without a struggle! The social change we are calling for must have revolutionary features. It will take the form of an irreconcilable struggle of two antagonistic social classes …
…The social revolution means a fundamental change in the structure of any state. It does not only mean a transition from capitalism to an anarchist economy based on co-operation and egalitarianism, but also the elimination of a state and of all hierarchical structures. The social revolution is not organised, it just breaks out; in most cases in connection with intensified state repression against revolutionary movements.
Its possible beginning may be a general strike which paralyses practically all operations of a capitalistic state. In such a moment workers start to expropriate production means and transfer them under collective management. It is also required to establish voluntary militia units. Those will stand up to state repressive forces that will try to reverse such a revolutionary process using violence. Armed militia units will be under the control of workers and their organisations and will have a common command. If a class-free, really free society, is to be establish successfully, it is necessary to consistently liquidate state and capitalist structures during the revolution ….
…Today we are facing only two options. We will either fall to the bottom of a class-society, which will get stronger, or we will eventually try to grasp our destiny in our hands”.37
An unregistered organisation established from the Moravian group of syndycalists - Solidarity - which had come into existence in 1996 by separating itself from the then CAF (the current CSAF). Since its foundation, the ORAS has concentrated on the programme of social self-governance and industrial syndicalism.
The principal objective of the ORSA is freedom for each individual. However, the struggle for an individual is conditioned by the collective struggle against an economic system which is based on the oppression of free development of the individual. The ORAS suggests anarchist activists participating in the everyday social fight of workers, in day-to-day discussions with workers, disseminating anarchist ideas and supporting self-governing organisations. A special emphasis is put on the role of trade unions. It suggests that trade unions should get rid of bureaucracy and intensify involvement of workers into their activities. An essential part of the transformation should be an increased solidarity both inside unions and outside trade unions, not only at the national level but also in the international environment.
The ORSA publishes the Solidarita journal.
The AFA is an unregistered organisation associating radical (militant) antifascists who establish action groups that operate mainly in individual locations or regions. The Czech AFA was founded in June 1996 and is linked to related foreign AFA organisations. After the restriction of their activities in 1997 – 1998 the AFA started to organise itself again at the beginning of 1999 and ranked among the most significant entities of the anarcho-autonomous scene.
The AFA describes itself as follows: ”The priority of the AFA is to protect the political and public space of the revolutionary anarchist movement, to ensure its extension through promotion and social struggle, to protect it from the attacks of neo-Nazi and right-wing groups and organisations as well as the repressive forces of the state administration. This is a fundamental sense of the existence and work of the Czech AFA to the contrary to other foreign organisations having the same name…The AFA considers eliminating capitalism and the state and establishing a free, socially just and class-free society to be a basic precondition preventing the rise of fascism and growth of extreme right-wing organisations. This is only possible at the time of real social changes reached through a social revolution, which will be initiated by the revolutionary anarchist movement. In terms of its long-term revolutionary objective, the AFA sees its task in preparing the conditions for such revolutionary changes”38 .....AFA strictly rejects pacifism in the antifascist movement and considers it to be a poison which caused millions to die and suffer. It is going to spread its militant spirit in its antifascist struggle. 39
The AFA operates in the Prague, Brno, Northern Bohemia and Zlin regions.
It published a journal: AKCE! (ACTION!) and set up and an e-mail mailing list.
In the course of 2000, the AFA lost its opportunity to get promoting materials from the German AFA in Berlin. The only bigger action organised by the AFA in 2000, besides its active participation in September demonstrations against the meeting of financial institutions in Prague, was an August ”camp” where about 40 persons took part. They discussed the working methods of militant antifascists in the Czech Republic and in Europe generally.
The following organisations may be mentioned marginally: the Socialist Solidarity, the Future (a socialist alternative), the Socialist Workers’ Organisation and the Initiative to Support EZLN - zapatists. Membership base in these organisations count only several individuals and are very unstable. Apart from the presented participation of these organisations in various assemblies, no independent significant actions organised by them were recorded.
Generally, the individual organisations of ”anarcho-autonomous scene” did not perform any activities of their own. All their efforts were aimed at preparing protest actions against the IMF/WB Meeting in Prague
The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC, formerly the Party of Czechoslovak Communists – PCC)
It was established on 22nd April 1995 at the Restoration Congress and afterwards registered with the Ministry of Interior. It is a political entity ideologically based on the Marxist-Leninist ideology.
Yet under the name PCC, it declared its continuity with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC) that governed Czechoslovakia from 1948 until 1989 and that was by Act No 198/1993 Coll., from 9. July 1993, on the illegitimacy of the communist regime and resistance against it, declared to be a criminal and abominable organisation. In 2000, this party confirmed this attitude by changing its name to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and was registered by the Ministry of the Interior on 16 February 2000.
Under Section 8 (1) of Act No. 424/1991 Coll., the registration of a new party or a movement or the registration of any changes in the Statutes is exclusively based on the Statutes of the organisation in question. The reason for rejecting any such registration may only be that the facts stated in the Statutes are inconsistent with Sections 1-5 and 6 (3)(4) of the Act. As the activities declared in the Statutes did not contradict the cited rule of law, there was not any reason for rejecting the changes in the Statutes in question.
The membership base consists of approximately 3000 persons (M. Stepan regularly presents the number of members as about six fold). In addition, the CPC has a certain range of supporters.
The CPC also represented a political formation in 2000 based directly on Marxism-Leninism declaring as its objective the establishment of a ”dictatorship of the proletariat” in the Czech Republic. The activities of the CPC aimed at establishing a totalitarian system suppressing human and civic rights and freedoms; a system which is not compatible with a plural democracy and a legal state conception (i.e. a law is superior to a state).
In the environment of the CPC the representatives of the party endeavoured to gain influence over the parliamentary KPBM. According to the statements of the CPC representatives, young people were especially interested in joining their party.40
In 2000, several commissions worked within the CPC. Their task was to explain the responsibility of concrete persons for the events in 1989, which the CPC considers to be a counter-revolutionary coup d’état. One of the most important interests of the CPC was also the issues of the property of the prior-November CPC. At the same time the CPC considers the current parliamentary system to be a kind of anachronism.
Development of international contacts of the CPC successfully continued. They may be proven, i.a., by a fact that the CPC planned for the first half of 2001 to organise the International Forum of Authentic Communist Parties. This meeting, which should bring up the discussion about the development of communist ideology as well as political development and the development of power in 1945 – 1948, is to be attended by several tens of communist parties from all over the world.
Extracts from the CPC texts
Dialogue,41 vol. 11, November 2000, No. 158
The Heritage of the GOSR Is Still Alive
”…the role of V.I.Lenin and J.V. Stalin can be liquidated neither by revisionism of Kruschov, nor the betrayal of Gorbatchov, Jelcin, Schevardnadze, Jakovlev, or any others who opened the way for the world, particularly American and German imperialism to meet its objectives to rule the world …
…It depends on communists, on their Marxist-Leninist unity, their political, ideological and organisational work among workers, farmers and progressive intelligence whether the example of the Great October Socialist Revolution as well of the Victorious February will be creatively used. The future belongs to socialism. And this will be again decided, in compliance with the Constitution, despite of all hatred and resistance of reactionary forces and revisionists by a unity and joint will of workers and the majority of the nation. And this is the point where the example of the Great October Socialist Revolution is still actual and alive”.42
Dialog, vol.11, December 2000, No. 159
The article named ”By the Revolutionary Way Ahead” is devoted to the life and work of J.V. Stalin (”To protect Stalin means to protect Marxism-Leninism… A significant contribution to the Marxist-Leninist theory…The class and international attitudes are decisive …”43
The Communist Youth of Czechoslovakia (CYC)
This unregistered organisation was established in April 1999. Neither formally nor organisationally is it a part of the CPC although it operates as its organisation for young people. They publish a journal called Pochoden (”Torch”).
The organisation defines itself as follows ”Our organisation, which concentrates about 150 people, operates in the whole territory of the Republic. It is strongest in North Moravia and Silesia. We are striving to organise actual events (such as demonstrations, protests, provocations…) and to fight in the spirit of Marx, Engels and Lenin for socialism and communism.
We are a warlike group of young people cooperating with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). We also maintain contacts with the Communist Union of Youth (CUY) and a few revolutionary members of the CPBM. Furthermore, we develop contacts with the Movement for Self-governed Moravia and Silesia (MSMS), together with which we organised actions against the bombing in Yugoslavia.
We are against NATO, the EU and against capitalism. We do not intend to co-operate with any of the bourgeois parliamentary parties, including the CPBM, unless they change their revisionist and opportunistic line”.44
The Communist Movement of Czechoslovakia (CMC)
An unregistered organisation. The CMC applied for its registration as an civic association with the Ministry of the Interior in February 2000; their registration was rejected.
On the pages of Pochoden (Torch) (October 2000) the CMC presented itself as a unit of a revolutionary movement that unifies active, militant and Marxist oriented people (particularly young people) from various communist parties and organisations. The CMC is striving for a revolutionary struggle against capitalism and its kind of state. The movement considers the recently renewed Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC) and its youth organisation, named the Communist Youth of Czechoslovakia (CYC), to be its main links and closest entities. However, members of other organisations as well as people, who are not members of any party, can become members of this movement.
”The CMC is aware that without any activity, without its own radical activities and without a stronger struggle of the majority of people it is not possible to renew socialism. The movement contributes to this struggle, initiates, educates and organises it. It disseminates socialist ideas, it makes efforts to unify the communist movement and to come to its final victory in the next struggle of (and not only of) our nation. SOCIALISM IS UNAVOIDABLE! JOIN US AS WELL!!!” 45
The Unified Front (UF)46
It was established at the turn of 1999 and 2000 with the intention to operate as an organisation integrating various extremist or radical streams. Especially the Communist Movement of Czechoslovakia (CMC) and the Communist Youth of Czechoslovakia (CYC) participate in the activities of this newly established organisation. The above-mentioned organisations operated in 2000 particularly under the auspices of the UF.
Since the beginning of 2000 the Unified Front has dealt mainly with the possibility of participating in the protest actions against the Annual Meeting of the IMF/WB in Prague in September. In the first half of 2000 an increased interest of left-wing extremists in a difficult social situation, especially in the Ostrava-Karvina region, was apparent. They tried to use such situations towards their aims.
”Pan-Slavonic Orientation ”
Support for the programme of ”pan-Slavonic mutuality ” is spread among left-wing extremists of mainly neo-Bolshevik orientation. In their opinion, after the break-up of the socialist block, the countries with a predominantly Slav population are threatened in Central Europe by an aggressive ”Germanisation” masked by an integration process of NATO and EU accession. Thus, the Slavonic nations only have the option to preserve their identity and independence – to contribute to the powerful position of Russia and integrate themselves into its sphere of influence.
The principal representative of ”Slavonic mutuality” is the International Slav Committee, whose seat is in Moscow. Pan-Slavonism is becoming an important international activity which will, no doubt about it, serve various power aims since the idea of Pan-Slavonism is able to address both the non-communist public and right-wing extreme nationalists thanks to stressing ”national interests”.
On 23 January 2000 the 2nd meeting of the International Public Tribunal concerning crimes of NATO in Yugoslavia was held in Kiev. The Tribunal began its activities in 1999 in Russian Jaroslav. The Slav Committee of Ukraine invited the representatives of all Slav countries to participate in this meeting.47
The 1st Congress of Slav youth was held in Beograd in September 2000. There were delegates from more than 20 countries including the Czech Republic. The Congress was initiated by the representatives from Yugoslavia’s embassies in individual countries. The Czech Republic had 35 delegates at this Congress. The leading topics of the Congress were issues of Slavism, coherence of Slav countries and the current situation in Yugoslavia. The representatives of the Czech Slav Committee actively participated in the Congress. They informed the Congress participants about their intention to establish several new branches of the Slav Committee in the Czech Republic.
The Slav Committee of the Czech Republic (SC CR)
An organisation registered with the Ministry of the Interior on 24 April 1998.
In 1998 this organisation arranged a Pan-Slav Congress with an attendance of 5000 delegates from 12 Slav countries. The congress adopted the following documents: the Manifesto of the 1998 Pan-Slav Congress in Prague; the Proclamation to the Nations of Slav Countries, their Heads, Parliaments and Government, Leading Representatives of Social Movements and Political Parties; the Call to the Parliaments and Governments of Slav Countries to Establish an Inter-Parliamentary Union; a Call to the Parliaments and Governments of Slav Countries to Mutually Repeal Visas and Consular Fees to Ensure Problem-free Movement of Citizens of Those Countries; a resolution supporting indivisibility and inviolability of Serbia; a resolution concerning the necessity of cancelling international prohibitions and sanctions against the citizens of Yugoslavia. 48
Press: a journal called Slovanská vzájemnost, i.e. Slav Mutuality (published monthly); it contains information on political and economic issues which are interesting subjects to the SC CR as well as information from Slav countries and on the activities of the International Slav Committee.
In January 2000 (26 January) the second meeting of patriotic civic associations with the SC CR was held. An informal co-coordination centre was established here. Its main assignment is to coordinate decisive activities of individual organisations to increase their operability.
In addition, the assembly dealt with issues concerning the preparation of the VIII Pan- Slav Congress. The Congress was held 2 – 4 April 2001 in Moscow. 24 member delegation from the Czech Republic took part in it. 49
Street protests are a public manifestation of concealed, but currently running activities whose final aim is not to abolish or to change the attitudes of the actual institution but to block the current economic system of the democratic world, i.e., using the words of adversaries, ”to destroy capitalism”. Public protest activities are then presented as a legitimate ”defence against joint terrorism of the state and globalisation”.
Anti-globalisation activities do not come into existence ad hoc just on the occasion and at the location of a meeting of any of the leading institutions, but we can speak about a world-wide coordinated network formed by various radical, mostly extreme, left-wing groups in individual countries.
They mainly use the Internet for mutual communication and organisation of various kinds of activities, particularly e-mail and other electronic means of communication enabling them close contacts, very frequent and prompt exchange of views without the need to meet with other activists.
The whole movement is covered by a loosely structured group, People´s Global Action (PGA). 50Another crucial group related to the anti-globalisation movement and with the high probability to the PGA also is Independent Media Center (IMC). 51
An integral part of anti-globalisation activities is also the media and disinformation campaign aimed against the measures being taken by state authorities to ensure public order and security of citizens.
Since the end of 1999, a whole range of domestic entities was involved in the preparation of protests against the 55th Meeting of the IMF/WB in Prague (e.g. activists, if the group is associated in CSAF; the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists (ORA); the Socialist Solidarity (SOSO); the Antifascist Action (AFA); the Initiative to Support of EZLN – zapatists). In February 2000 a loosely structured group called Initiative Against Economic Globalisation (INPEG), which facilitated the preparation of protests and co-ordinated Czech anarchists, Trotskyites and other groups and organisations.52 From abroad mainly the PGA participated in the preparations of protests in Prague (S26 Collective, Prager Herbst, etc.). The preliminary strategy and tactics of protests were agreed upon during the coordination meetings of Czech and foreign organisers.53 Even at that time it was obvious that the principal objective would be to call forth a violent confrontation with other state structures represented by the Police of the Czech Republic with the aim of using such confrontation for the discrimination of an institute of the state generally, i.e. to expose the state as a ”terrorist-fascist structure”. It was indicated also by the motto ”Make Prague another Seattle!” The instructors from the USA and eight other countries experienced from previous anti-globalisation actions assisted in preparing actions. They also hired a room to have a media centre of the IMC that ensured fresh news and information service during the protests for the foreign media from the point of view of the organisers of the protests. During the preparation of the protest actions other organisations were established: the Civic Legal Guards (CLG), the joint project Open Society Fund, HOST, and Ecological Legal Service Brno, whose aim was to monitor violations of laws by the Police of the Czech Republic. A low capacity for action and insufficiencies in IMPEG activities resulted in foreign activists taking over the organisation and management of the actions. A key role was played during the preparation of the protests and also during the demonstrations themselves by the Italian group YA BASTA.54
The main demonstration was held on 26 September 2000. A great part of foreign participants arrived on 25 September and mainly aggressive ”black blocks” arrived at night from 25 September to 26 September. In addition to non-militant protestants against the IMF/WB meeting, the members of the above-mentioned autonomous groups ”black blocks” from Poland, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and some Scandinavian countries accompanied by domestic groups, among others the FSA, and EF participated in the demonstrations. Militant groups attempted a violent penetration to the zone of the Congress centre, they tried to block communications and attacked the officers of police forces burning bottles and paving blocks.55 After the blockade of the Congress Centre autonomous groups attacked ”the symbols of global capitalism”, being shops of Mc Donald´s, KFC, bank branches, department stores, etc in the area of Wenceslav Square and Vinohrady Avenue. The majority of foreign participants left Prague at night. During the next several days there were no violent attacks; protest actions and demonstrations passed off without disturbing the public order.56
During the street protest events, anti-global activists informed about the course of individual demonstrations as well as about the numbers of seized individuals, their nationalities and the conditions of their imprisonment. Immediately after the protest S26 events in Prague, news concerning the procedures during the seizures and protest against alleged police brutality towards those who were put into custody appearing on the web sites of anti-global movements or on the pages of some newspapers, brought about great publicity. Calls for sending protest letters to state bodies of the Czech Republic or to the Office of the President as well as for organising demonstrations in front of the Czech embassies abroad were organised and published. The individual persons seized provided information on their seizure and interrogations at the police stations, and the credibility of which differed. The follow up investigations of the Inspection of the Minister of the Interior have proved that three of the complaints were true (treatment of the seized individuals at the police stations in Ocelarska and Lupacova streets and beating of an activists S.T.).
57The preparation and the course of demonstrations itself confirmed how important the role of the Internet network and e-mail communication is in such actions. The anarcho-autonomous scene entered the third millennium being connected all over the world through communication networks and capable of responding immediately to various events through its Internet news.
A whole range of special internal materials dealt with the evaluation of measures adopted to secure public order and overall security during the Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the International Monetary Fund and the Group of the World Bank, as well as the work of intelligence services and the Police of the Czech Republic The work of the Police of the Czech Republic was evaluated in a summary report of the Ministry of the Interior that was approved by the Security Council of the Stare by its resolution No. 139 from 19 December 2000.
Currently the Civic Legal Guards disclosed a report on their activities during the preparation and course of the Annual Meeting of the IMF/WB in Prague in September 2000. They expressed their dissatisfaction with the work of the Inspection of the Minister of the Interior concerning its investigations of ”mass” and gross violations of rights of the seized persons at the police stations”.58
Offences Committed by Supporters of the Anarcho-autonomous Spectrum of the Extremist Scene and Their Activities Towards Breaching Public Peace
The anarcho-autonomous movement became more radical and enhanced its organisation and mutual links. A ”hard core” emerged that commits crimes during their actions. A transition from gestures of a proclaiming nature to the use of violent methods was indicated through ”street parties” in the previous years. The protests against the September meeting of the IMF/WB became the ”event of the year 2000” for these groups which made their preparedness to commit violence and to destroy property fully visible. In terms of social danger, inside organisation and links to foreign groups, mainly the Antifascist Action (AFA) and Federation of Social Anarchists (FSA) seem to be the most problematic.
380 foreigners were not allowed to enter the territory of the Czech Republic in connection with the IMF/WB meeting. The Police of the Czech Republic (hereinafter ”the Czech Police”) seized 949 persons and 386 of them (41%) were foreigners. The unlawful conduct of the majority of them was qualified as a misdemeanour. In compliance with Act No. 326/1999 Coll., on the Residence of Foreigners in the Czech Republic, 234 foreigners had their residence terminated in the Czech Republic; the proceedings on administration banishment was commenced with 130 foreigners, however, in 129 cases it was ceased. Only one foreigner received a decision on administration banishment. 30 persons (25 of them were foreigners) were examined as crime suspects, while 16 of them were taken into custody under the court’s decision for: assaults on public officials (Sec. 155), frustrating the execution of an official decision (Sec.171), defamation of a nation, race or conviction (Sec.198), rowdyism (Sec.202), damaging another’s property (Sec. 257) and support and propagation of movements aimed at suppressing citizens’ rights and freedoms (Sec. 261).59
By their unlawful conduct, the protesters of the IMF/WB meeting caused damage to the property of the District Councils in Prague 2 and Prague 4, the Emergency Health Service Prague, Czech Railways, a Mc Donald´s shop and a branch of the IPB bank. The damaged caused was estimated to an amount exceeding CZK 23.5 million. The damage in Prague 1 has to be added as well, e.g. damage to the Corinthia Hotel and 9 damaged cars. 60
They are predominantly young people who illegally occupy some unused premises. Squatting, as a movement, is perceived by squatters themselves in very different ways. Some consider it a life philosophy, for others it is a temporary solution to their current life situation, while the rest see in it a kind of vanguard of asocial revolution. However, criticism of the current social system is common to them. They consider it to be unethical, immoral, and based on profit and exploitation.
By its nature squatting is near to the anarcho-autonomous scene It does not have its own complete and single ideology, the motto is – occupy and live. While implementing it they breach the law and commit a crime of unauthorised violation of another’s rights to a house, flat or non-residential premises pursuant to Section 249a of the Criminal Code. 62
We can read in the journal of the Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation, Existence No.4 from January 1999, apart from other things, the following:
“Squatting is a movement within which people do not only fight for their ideals and visions, but they directly struggle for their living space. They learn how to live in a community, they use a majority of things jointly, they break conventional stereotypes, they show the way… Squats are refuges of the opponents to the system... By their beneficial actions, they participate in financing activities of autonomous and anarchist movements. They are becoming a catalyser of resistance, a vanguard of a revolution which will ensure political and economic justice and self-government and, last but not least, dignified accommodation for all--not only those who can afford it. Squatting is a struggle here and now and is becoming a vanguard to asocial revolution.(downloaded from the sites of milada.s.cz on 9 May 2001)
”We fully acknowledge that such terms as ”freedom”, ”equality”, and ”democracy” may be interpreted differently, however, the truth is that these terms have been abused many times to suppress their original sense or meaning. In no event, we on ”Milada” have ambitions to press somebody upon a new model of a society. However, the truth is that we oppose the current system and we are trying to seek ways on how to change it. Such search is and must be based on a discussion, but mere philosophical talks are not enough in our opinion, and that is why we are striving to implement some of our ideas in practice and thus create at least a small community of people which function on the principles of free agreement and where disputable issues are solved by consensus. As I have mentioned above, we oppose the system but we do not firmly state that squatters create an vanguard of a revolution. The term ”revolution” does not have to be narrowed only to a kind of violent coup d’état. An exchange of something for something else, standing on different basis can be also considered to be a ”revolution”. If the approaches to a solution of problem issues changed in the whole society, it would be a revolutionary change. If our activities contributed a little bit to the extension of the freedom of an individual and simultaneously to greater equality in the economic area, we would reach our objective. I personally would be happy, in terms of squatting, with a change of legislation concerning its legalisation, as a kind of reform and not necessarily a revolution. (19 April 2001 S.T.)”. (downloaded from milada.s.cz on 9 May 2001)
It is a contemporary form of vandalism consisting in spray painting the facades of buildings, walls, trains and, in many cases, cultural sights and other spaces by pictures of various colours or unintelligible texts and signatures. Every year sprayers cause damages amounting to millions. The local self-governing bodies are striving to fight this phenomenon using all their possible means ( from offering remunerations for apprehension of sprayers to attempts to single out special surface places for them ).
Sprayers may be committing a crime pursuant Section 257 (damaging another’s property) of the Criminal Code. Apprehension of offenders followed up by proving their crimes is very difficult in such cases since the crime itself usually lasts only several minutes and its implementation is inconspicuous.
Among graffiti we can also find drawings of swastikas and similar signs symbolising fascism, which is a crime under Section 260 (support and propagation of movements aimed at suppressing citizens’ rights and freedoms) of the Criminal code. Spray painting is a manifestation of extremism only if its sense is to spread propaganda of hate.
Crowd violence of fans, so called football ”hooliganism”, is also sometimes considered to be extremism. Hooliganism is based on mutual physical attack of fans, who are enemies, of individual clubs and riotous conduct before, during and after sport matches.
Those ”hooligans” aroused public notice more seriously in 1985, when disreputable fans of the Prague club, Sparta, coming back by fast train from Banska Bystrica made a mess in a train and caused the damage of more than half a million Czech crowns. Within the next several years, more or less organised groups of ”fans” came into existence with the largest football clubs, such as Sparta Prague, Banik Ostrava, and Slovan Bratislava. After the Czechoslovak Republic split and the Czech league was established the situation at the football stadiums temporarily calmed down. Whereas in the past the fans of one club used be a quite heterogeneous group who met ad hoc during matches of their team, nowadays there are actual, yet not very numerous, gangs of well organised ”fans”, one club having even several of such gangs (e.g.. Red Pirates Sparta, Sparta Prague, Slavia hooligans). A great extent of good organisation can be proved also by concluding the so-called coalition agreements between individual gangs, even at the international level, which then travel to express their support during so-called ”risky matches”. They have their trains, signs and web sites, on which they present and evaluate individual ”trips” to matches, conclude truce or declare hostility. They are not very much interested in the course of the football matches.
During football matches ”hooligans” very often commit crimes under Sections 202 (rowdyism), 257 (damaging another’s property), 225 (brawling), 221 (injury to health) and last but not least, while getting into conflicts with the police Section 155 also (assault on public officials) of the Criminal Code. Through the amendment to Act No.405/2000 Coll., it is possible to qualify their conduct pursuant Section 198a (incitement of national and racial hatred or violating another person’s rights and freedoms). The absolute majority of these ”hooligans” are right-wing extremists, and there are skinheads among them. So, more frequently we can hear at the stadiums fascist greetings (Sieg Heil), which means that such persons commit a crime under Section 260 (support and propagation of movements aimed at suppressing citizens’ rights and freedoms).
The ”ideology” of a hooligan movements is a cult of violence consisting in initiating riotous conduct and physical attacks. It is not rare when innocent people are also drawn into such conflicts. A security risk of this movement consists in drunk hooligans easily directing their aggression against anybody. This movement can not be unambiguously labelled as extremist (in the sense in which the term extremism is defined for the purpose of this Report), but thanks to a large amount of support of skinhead movements among hooligans and the number of crimes committed having an extremist subtext during football matches, it contains the elements of extremism, and therefore it is solved within the police structure by the same experts.
With a range of sects and pseudo-religious organisations operating in the country, the situation in the Czech Republic was in no way different to that in other European countries. In 2000, as well as in previous years, no demonstrable crime by dangerous sects was recorded in the Czech Republic. In this field, the Czech authorities can make use of information from abroad and take it into account in their approach.64 Despite that, it is essential to note the main potential threats to the state in connection with the existence of such organisations. In terms of intelligence services, sects could be dangerous if their activities act against the principles of the state. According to the police, a destructive sect is one whose proclamations and whose members’ actions are in conflict with criminal law. Among the most serious risks is the infiltration of state structures, including the armed forces, by members of pseudo-religious organisations. All over the world, they try to penetrate state structures with subversive objectives, or with the aim of acquiring know-how, or gaining positions which would allow them to use their influence to the benefit of the group to which they belong. A further risk is a religious group convinced of a mission it has to fulfil – their members may try to gain the corresponding technical knowledge in the armed forces or may use violent means against the armed forces as a symbol of the ”despised state”. Threats coming unexpectedly from small groups, which no one had previously recorded as potential threats, tend to be the most dangerous.
Most sects however do not make themselves visible and establish their communities in seclusion and in remote areas. The security units are informed of such communities after the affected persons lodge complaints or on the basis of local and personal information.65 This is a very complicated issue, which is not uniformly tackled in European countries and is the subject of extensive discussions.
In 2000, as in the previous year, the Ministry of Culture did not find, within the churches and religious societies or legal religious entities registered with this Ministry, any manifestations which could be marked as misdemeanours or criminal offences motivated by racism, xenophobia or religious intolerance. No application for registering a religious community was submitted in terms of which the Ministry of Culture, as the registering body, was made to assess the establishment or activities of an applying entity from the aspects which are subject to measures adopted by the Government to increases the efficiency of punishment and prevention of crimes and misdemeanours based on the support, propagation or dissemination of extremist ideologies and attitudes as well as activities of extremist groups operating in the Czech Republic and crimes of a racial nature.
Terrorism is a violent method of threatening political opponents using threats and violence. With the help of terror they attempt to create extreme psychological pressure among individuals and groups of citizens.
Manifestations of terrorism are affected by an internal political situation and by a development in the international situation. Generally, the Czech extremist scene, as any other similar scene, is a classic risky environment for the emergence of politically oriented internal terrorist activities. The main potential risk here is the radicalisation of domestic extremist groups and their links to more militant foreign groups and their potential misuse by other organisations for their own purposes or interests. The possibility of an individual, spontaneous reaction by an individual or a small group still remains.